Politikk, religion og samfunn President Donald J. Trump - Quo vadis? (Del 2)

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  • bambi

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    Bare så synd at disse diktatorene rundt omkring i verden som vi helst ser dauer, dem ser ut til å unngå kreft, hjerteinfarkt, slag etc.
    Er ikke det mye på grunn av at de har mer eller mindre ubegrensete ressurser og tilgang på SOTA medisinsk hjelp og kompetanse, da.
     

    tjua

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    Sjakktrekket fra usa får frem nye samarbeidspartnere
    1. Kina+Sør-K+Japan
    2. fra DN
    «Xi sier tollkrig ikke har noen vinnere
    Kinas president Xi Jinping er i gang med en rundreise i Sørøst-Asia. I Vietnam advarer han mot handelskrig og presenterer Kina som en trygg handelspartner.

    – Det er ingen vinnere i en handelskrig, eller i en tollkrig, skriver Xi i en kronikk som er publisert i statlige medier i Vietnam og Kina i forkant av hans besøk til flere land i Sørøst-Asia denne uken.

    I kronikken skriver han også at Kina og Vietnam kan løse uenighet rundt maritime krav i Sør-Kina-havet gjennom forhandlinger.

    – Vi bør håndtere forskjeller på en riktig måte og sikre fred og stabilitet i vår regionen.

    – Med visjon er vi fullt i stand til å løse maritime problemer på riktig måte gjennom konsultasjon og forhandlinger.

    Vietnams øverste leder To Lam stemmer i. I en pressemelding sier han at felles innsats for å løse uenigheter er en viktig stabiliserende faktor i en urolig tid.

    Xi ankom den vietnamesiske hovedstaden Hanoi tidlig mandag morgen. Turen til Sørøst-Asia er presidentens første offisielle utenlandsreise for året, ifølge det statlige kinesiske nyhetsbyrået Xinhua.

    Kina sier besøket er svært viktig for regionen. De forsøker å presentere seg selv som en rolig og trygg handelspartner og et alternativ til USA.

    Vietnam er Kinas største kunde i Sørøst-Asia. Landet handlet kinesiske varer for snaut 162 milliarder dollar i fjor.

    Det et er ventet at de to landene kommer til å signere 40 dokumenter som skal styrke samarbeidet mellom landene.

    Xi skal også besøke Malaysia og Kambodsja. Hovedformålet med turen er å styrke regionale handelsbånd og finne måter å motvirke de høye tollsatsene innført av USAs president Donald Trump, skriver Xinhua»

    godt jobba
    Det er alltid en ny på toppen av næringskjeden så når tullingene har kjørt ferdig plukkes fruktene lett
     

    erato

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    “The Apprentice” was built around a weekly series of business challenges. At the end of each episode, Trump determined which competitor should be “fired.” But, as Braun explained, Trump was frequently unprepared for these sessions, with little grasp of who had performed well. Sometimes a candidate distinguished herself during the contest only to get fired, on a whim, by Trump. When this happened, Braun said, the editors were often obliged to “reverse engineer” the episode, scouring hundreds of hours of footage to emphasize the few moments when the exemplary candidate might have slipped up, in an attempt to assemble an artificial version of history in which Trump’s shoot-from-the-hip decision made sense. During the making of “The Apprentice,” Burnett conceded that the stories were constructed in this way, saying, “We know each week who has been fired, and, therefore, you’re editing in reverse.” Braun noted that President Trump’s staff seems to have been similarly forced to learn the art of retroactive narrative construction, adding, “I find it strangely validating to hear that they’re doing the same thing in the White House.”
    “The Apprentice” portrayed Trump not as a skeezy hustler who huddles with local mobsters but as a plutocrat with impeccable business instincts and unparalleled wealth—a titan who always seemed to be climbing out of helicopters or into limousines. “Most of us knew he was a fake,” Braun told me. “He had just gone through I don’t know how many bankruptcies. But we made him out to be the most important person in the world. It was like making the court jester the king.” Bill Pruitt, another producer, recalled, “We walked through the offices and saw chipped furniture. We saw a crumbling empire at every turn. Our job was to make it seem otherwise.”
     

    tjua

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    Og det fortsetter
    Interessant å bivåne at stort sett alle som under valget hevdet at trumpern bare pratet og at dette ikke vil bli så ille er fraværende og antagelig skylder på (medias) ekkokammer

    Reality check; absolutt fraværende
    Plan B; absolutt fraværende
    Risiko vurdering; absolutt fraværende

    noe å tenke på når pensjonsplanen raser nedover på lik linje med et passe stort snyskre
    og
    når russerne ruster opp ganske så kraftig i nord
    og
    alternativene til egen sikkerhet er få
    mens
    Ukraina kjemper en tapende kamp på våre vegne

    Godt vi har påsken med sine requiem rullende
    Forhåpentligvis til ettertanke og håp om læring, men jeg tviler
     

    tjua

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    I dagens Dagsnytt 18 var det intervju med en lufrforsker (Haga?) og Tybring-Gjedde vedrørende, kjøp av overvåkningsdroner fra, som nær sagt alltid, usa. Begge ganske så samstemt at man egentlig ikke har noe valg iom at det kun eksisterer 3 på markedet; 2xusa, og en fra verdens mest fredselskende demokrati.
    Dersom usa nå faktisk trekker seg ut av FN og NATO så spørs det hvordan det valget nå skal bli
    For ikke å snakke fregatter
    For ikke å snakke om oljefondet
    For ikke å snakke om .., selveste påskeharen
     

    BurntIsland

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    En artikkel fra the Economist 9/4. Et lite pensumstykke i hva som står på spill i en handelskrig mellom USA og Kina.


    “Trade Wars Are Easy to Lose – Beijing Has Escalation Dominance in the U.S.-China Tariff Fight”
    By Adam S. Posen
    April 9, 2025

    “When a country (USA) is losing many billions of dollars on trade with virtually every country it does business with,” U.S. President Donald Trump famously tweeted in 2018, “trade wars are good, and easy to win.” This week, when the Trump administration imposed tariffs of more than 100 percent on U.S. imports from China, setting off a new and even more dangerous trade war, U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent offered a similar justification: “I think it was a big mistake, this Chinese escalation, because they’re playing with a pair of twos. What do we lose by the Chinese raising tariffs on us? We export one-fifth to them of what they export to us, so that is a losing hand for them.”

    In short, the Trump administration believes it has what game theorists call escalation dominance over China and any other economy with which it has a bilateral trade deficit. Escalation dominance, in the words of a report by the RAND Corporation, means that “a combatant has the ability to escalate a conflict in ways that will be disadvantageous or costly to the adversary while the adversary cannot do the same in return.” If the administration’s logic is correct, then China, Canada, and any other country that retaliates against U.S. tariffs is indeed playing a losing hand.

    But this logic is wrong: it is China that has escalation dominance in this trade war. The United States gets vital goods from China that cannot be replaced any time soon or made at home at anything less than prohibitive cost. Reducing such dependence on China may be a reason for action, but fighting the current war before doing so is a recipe for almost certain defeat, at enormous cost. Or to put it in Bessent’s terms: Washington, not Beijing, is betting all in on a losing hand.

    SHOW YOUR HAND
    The administration’s claims are off base on two counts. For one thing, both sides get hurt in a trade war, because both lose access to things their economies want and need and that their people and companies are willing to pay for. Like launching an actual war, a trade war is an act of destruction that puts the attacker’s own forces and home front at risk, as well: if the defending side did not believe it could retaliate in a way that would harm the attacker, it would surrender.

    Bessent’s poker analogy is misleading because poker is a zero-sum game: I win only if you lose; you win only if I lose. Trade, by contrast, is positive-sum: in most situations, the better you do, the better I do, and vice versa. In poker, you get nothing back for what you put in the pot unless you win; in trade, you get it back immediately, in the form of the goods and services you buy.

    The Trump administration believes that the more you import, the less you have at stake—that because the United States has a trade deficit with China, importing more Chinese goods and services than China does U.S. goods and services, it is less vulnerable. This is factually wrong, not a matter of opinion. Blocking trade reduces a nation’s real income and purchasing power; countries export in order to earn the money to buy things they do not have or are too expensive to make at home.

    What’s more, even if you focus solely on the bilateral trade balance, as the Trump administration does, it bodes poorly for the United States in a trade war with China. In 2024, U.S. exports of goods and services to China were $199.2 billion, and imports from China were $462.5 billion, resulting in a trade deficit of $263.3 billion. To the degree that the bilateral trade balance predicts which side will “win” in a trade war, the advantage lies with the surplus economy, not the deficit one. China, the surplus country, is giving up sales, which is solely money; the United States, the deficit country, is giving up goods and services it does not produce competitively or at all at home. Money is fungible: if you lose income, you can cut back spending, find sales elsewhere, spread the burden across the country, or draw down savings (say, by doing fiscal stimulus). China, like most countries with overall trade surpluses, saves more than it invests—meaning that it, in a sense, has too much savings. The adjustment would be relatively easy. There would be no critical shortages, and it could replace much of what it normally sold to the United States with sales domestically or to others.

    Countries with overall trade deficits, like the United States, spend more than they save. In trade wars, they give up or reduce the supply of things they need (since the tariffs make them cost more), and these are not nearly as fungible or easily substituted for as money. Consequently, the impact is felt in specific industries, locations, or households that face shortages, sometimes of necessary items, some of which are irreplaceable in the short term. Deficit countries also import capital—which makes the United States more vulnerable to shifts in sentiment about the reliability of its government and about its attractiveness as a place to do business. When the Trump administration makes capricious decisions to impose an enormous tax increase and great uncertainty on manufacturers’ supply chains, the result will be reduced investment into the United States, raising interest rates on its debt.

    OF DEFICITS AND DOMINANCE
    In short, the U.S. economy will suffer enormously in a large-scale trade war with China, which the current levels of Trump-imposed tariffs, at more than 100 percent, surely constitute if left in place. In fact, the U.S. economy will suffer more than the Chinese economy will, and the suffering will only increase if the United States escalates. The Trump administration may think it’s acting tough, but it’s in fact putting the U.S. economy at the mercy of Chinese escalation.

    The United States will face shortages of critical inputs ranging from basic ingredients of most pharmaceuticals to inexpensive semiconductors used in cars and home appliances to critical minerals for industrial processes including weapons production. The supply shock from drastically reducing or zeroing out imports from China, as Trump purports to want to achieve, would mean stagflation, the macroeconomic nightmare seen in the 1970s and during the COVID pandemic, when the economy shrank and inflation rose simultaneously. In such a situation, which may be closer at hand than many think, the Federal Reserve and fiscal policymakers are left with only terrible options and little chance of staving off unemployment except by further raising inflation.

    When it comes to real war, if you have reason to be afraid of being invaded, it would be suicidal to provoke your adversary before you’ve armed yourself. That is essentially what Trump’s economic attack risks: given that the U.S. economy is entirely dependent on Chinese sources for vital goods (pharmaceutical stocks, cheap electronic chips, critical minerals), it is wildly reckless not to ensure alternate suppliers or adequate domestic production before cutting off trade. By doing it the other way around, the administration is inviting exactly the kind of damage it says it wants to prevent.

    This could all be intended as just a negotiating tactic, Trump’s and Bessent’s repeated statements and actions notwithstanding. But even on those terms, the strategy will do more harm than good. As I warned in Foreign Affairs last October, the fundamental problem with Trump’s economic approach is that it would need to carry out enough self-harming threats to be credible, which means that markets and households would expect ongoing uncertainty. Americans and foreigners alike would invest less rather than more in the U.S. economy, and they would no longer trust the U.S. government to live up to any deal, making a negotiated settlement or agreement to deescalate difficult to achieve. As a result, U.S. productive capacity would decline rather than improve, which would only increase the leverage that China and others have over the United States.

    The Trump administration is embarking on an economic equivalent of the Vietnam War—a war of choice that will soon result in a quagmire, undermining faith at home and abroad in both the trustworthiness and the competence of the United States—and we all know how that turned out."
     
    Sist redigert:

    Billbob

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    Harvard-universitetet avviser krav fra Trump

    Donald Trump har stilt en rekke krav til Harvard-universitetet om blant annet krav om bakgrunnssjekk av studenter i samarbeid med immigrasjonsmyndighetene.

    Myndighetene sier den lange listen med krav er for å bekjempe antisemittisme, men eliteuniversitetet avviser kravene blankt. Det ble klart mandag.

    – Ingen regjering, uavhengig av partifarge, har makt til å diktere hva private universiteter kan undervise i, hvem de kan ta opp og ansette, eller hvilke forskningsområder de kan satse på, skriver rektor Alan Garber i et brev til studenter og ansatte.

    (NTB)
     

    tjua

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    “When a country (USA) is losing many billions of dollars on trade with virtually every country it does business with,” U.S. President Donald Trump famously tweeted in 2018, “trade wars are good, and easy to win.” This week, when the Trump administration imposed tariffs of more than 100 percent on U.S. imports from China, setting off a new and even more dangerous trade war, U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent offered a similar justification: “I think it was a big mistake, this Chinese escalation, because they’re playing with a pair of twos. What do we lose by the Chinese raising tariffs on us? We export one-fifth to them of what they export to us, so that is a losing hand for them.”
    ..

    The Trump administration is embarking on an economic equivalent of the Vietnam War—a war of choice that will soon result in a quagmire, undermining faith at home and abroad in both the trustworthiness and the competence of the United States—and we all know how that turned out."
    er dette grunnen til at Dems tilsynelatende «lar dette skje»?
    Man ser hva som vil skje, men siden man ikke har noen tjangs å stoppe dette (siden trumpern har all makt) så er det bare å stå idet til folket, de av de som har noen ballast og tanker, skjønner tegninga og tar opprøret politisk i neste runde (om ikke før ved hjelp av litt mer ytterliggående aksjoner)

    og da får kanskje dems det flertallet de trenger for å starte på stopping og redde det som reddes kan
     

    Tweedjakke

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    Myndighetene sier den lange listen med krav er for å bekjempe antisemittisme, men eliteuniversitetet avviser kravene blankt. Det ble klart mandag.
    Det er kult at Harvard, symbolet på den økonomiske eliten i USA (i tillegg til å vera eit av dei beste universiteta i verda på mange felt) har slike musklar.

    Men det vil nok kosta.
     

    erato

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    I hvert all et meningsdiktatur. Og da følger vel resten sånn gradvis med tiden til det blir for sent å snu. Den historien har vi sett spille seg ut i litt for mange land. Kampen nå står om å gjøre seg mest mulig uavhengig av USA før det blir for sent.
     
    Sist redigert:

    Espen R

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    Harvard-universitetet avviser krav fra Trump

    Donald Trump har stilt en rekke krav til Harvard-universitetet om blant annet krav om bakgrunnssjekk av studenter i samarbeid med immigrasjonsmyndighetene.

    Myndighetene sier den lange listen med krav er for å bekjempe antisemittisme, men eliteuniversitetet avviser kravene blankt. Det ble klart mandag.

    – Ingen regjering, uavhengig av partifarge, har makt til å diktere hva private universiteter kan undervise i, hvem de kan ta opp og ansette, eller hvilke forskningsområder de kan satse på, skriver rektor Alan Garber i et brev til studenter og ansatte.

    (NTB)
    Veldig bra!

    Men det skulle bare mangle. En høyere utdanningsinstitusjon skal ikke la seg dktere av en maktsyk, udemokrarisk psykopat av en president. Det er enten eller, enten så står man på barrikadene for grunnverdiene til universitetet. Eller så stenger man sjappa.
     

    defacto

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    Dette ligner mere og mere på Harry Potter, der Voldemort er orange og Ministry of Magic (les: Department of Education) sender ut Dolores "McMahon" Umbridge til Hogwarts (les: Harvard) for å implementere tvang og middelaldertenking. Den tidligere WWE CEO McMahon Umbridge som da etter å ha gått på AI kurs klarer å kalle AI for A1, noe som sier noe om nivået på Voldemort the Orange sine undersåtter.
    Det hadde vært hysterisk morsomt om ikke alvoret hadde stoppet det!
     

    Tweedjakke

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    Ja, det vil koste minst 23 milliarder kroner. Er ikke USA i ferd med å bli et diktatur? Asså, helt seriøst.
    Denne rapporten viser meir av argumentasjonen, i all si gru:


    Det handlar ikkje berre om det vanlege korstoget mot DEI, men å avvikla den sterkaste merkevaren USA har (ok, etter militærvesenet).
     

    erato

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    Fra New York Times, en gavelink jeg mottok. Verdt å lese for de som ønsker å bli klokere, i stedet for å leve i sine ekkokammere. Verdt å huske : Verden er komplisert (Kahnemanns system 2) selv om følelsene dine er enkle (Kahnemanns system1).

    How Brexit, a Startling Act of Economic Self-Harm, Foreshadowed Trump’s Tariffs

    Britain’s decision to leave the European Union in 2016 was sold to voters as a magic bullet that would revitalize the country’s economy. Its impact is still reverberating.

    By Mark Landler

    Reporting from London April 13, 2025

    Britain has watched President Trump’s tariffs with a mix of shock, fascination and queasy recognition. The country, after all, embarked on a similar experiment in economic isolationism when it voted to leave the European Union in 2016. Nearly nine years after the Brexit referendum, it is still reckoning with the costs.

    The lessons of that experience are suddenly relevant again as Mr. Trump uses a similar playbook to erect walls around the United States. Critics once described Brexit as the greatest act of economic self-harm by a Western country in the post-World War II era. It may now be getting a run for its money across the Atlantic.

    Even Mr. Trump’s abrupt reversal last week of some of his tariffs, in the face of a bond-market revolt, recalled Britain, where Liz Truss, a short-lived prime minister, was forced to retreat from radical tax cuts that frightened the markets. Her misbegotten experiment was the culmination of a cycle of extreme policies set off by Britain’s decision to forsake the world’s largest trading bloc.

    “In a way, some of the worst legacies of Brexit are still ahead,” said Mark Malloch Brown, a British diplomat who served as deputy secretary general of the United Nations. Britain, he said, now faces a hard choice between rebuilding trade ties with Europe or preserving them with Mr. Trump’s America.

    “The fundamental issue remains the breach with our biggest trading partner,” Mr. Malloch Brown said, adding, “If the U.K. ends up in the arms of Europe because neither of them can work with the U.S. anymore, that’s only half a victory.”

    Mr. Trump was a full-throated champion of Brexit in 2016, drawing explicit parallels between it and the political movement he was marshaling. He initially imposed lower tariffs on Britain than the European Union, which some cast as a reward for Britain’s decision to leave.

    Brexit’s drag on the British economy is no longer much debated, though its effects have been at times hard to disentangle from subsequent shocks delivered by the coronavirus pandemic, the war in Ukraine and, now, Mr. Trump’s tariffs.

    The government’s Office of Budget Responsibility estimates that Britain’s overall trade volume is about 15 percent lower than it would have been had it remained in the European Union. Long-term productivity is 4 percent lower than it would have been because of trade barriers with Europe.

    Productivity was lagging even before Brexit, but the rupture with Europe compounded the problem by sowing uncertainty, which chilled private investment. The years between the referendum and Britain’s formal departure at the end of January 2020 were paralyzed by debate over the terms of its exit.

    By the middle of 2022, investment in Britain was 11 percent below what it would have been without Brexit, based on a model by John Springford, who used a basket of comparable economies to stand in for a non-Brexit Britain. Trade in goods was 7 percent lower and gross domestic product 5.5 percent lower, according to Mr. Springford, a fellow at the Center for European Reform, a think tank in London.

    Mr. Trump has kicked off even more volatility by imposing, redoubling and then pausing various tariffs. His actions, of course, affect dozens of countries, most drastically the United States and China. Already, there are predictions of recession and a new bout of inflation.

    Brexit and its aftermath had multiple second-order effects, both economic and political. Ms. Truss’s plan for debt-funded tax cuts, which were driven by a desire to jump-start Britain’s torpid economy, instead triggered a sell-off of British government bonds as investors recoiled from her proposals.

    A similar sell-off of American bonds began last week, with far-reaching implications for the United States. Rising bond yields put pressure on governments because it means they must pay more to borrow funds. Sell-offs are also destabilizing because they signal deeper anxiety about a country’s creditworthiness.

    In Britain’s case, fears of a credit crisis forced Ms. Truss to shelve the tax cuts, and she soon lost her job. While that calmed the markets, it left a residue of doubt among investors about Britain. Mortgage rates remained elevated for months, reflecting what one analyst unkindly labeled a “moron premium.”

    This skittishness among investors has constrained Britain’s chancellor of the Exchequer, Rachel Reeves, from taking bolder measures to recharge the economy. Prime Minister Keir Starmer last week ruled out relaxing the government’s self-imposed fiscal constraints, citing the blowback to Ms. Truss’s free-market experiment.

    “I would argue that the reason we have such a small-c conservative chancellor is due to the experience we had with Truss,” Mr. Malloch Brown said. “It is directly related to not wanting to prompt the Truss effect again.”

    Unlike Britain, the United States still has the world’s default currency in the dollar, and until last week, Treasuries remained a haven for investors. But economists predict that both will be subjected to greater pressure under Mr. Trump.

    “Confidence has been shaken, the bond vigilantes are more alert,” said Richard Portes, a professor of economics at London Business School. “People are now much more sensitive to policy inconsistency and policy irresponsibility.”

    Brexit also diminished Britain’s influence on the diplomatic stage, something it has only recently begun to recoup with Mr. Starmer’s efforts to act as a bridge between Europe and the United States.

    Mr. Trump’s retreat from America’s role as a security umbrella for NATO has driven Britain closer to Europe. But Britons still wrestle with the legacy of Brexit. A defense pact with the European Union, for instance, is being held up by France’s demand that Britain make concessions on fishing rights — an old chestnut from Brexit negotiations.

    The longest-lasting effect of Brexit, analysts say, may have been on politics. The years of bitter debate divided and radicalized the Conservative Party, which governed from 2010 to 2024 with a patchwork of policies on immigration and trade that reflected the unwieldy coalition behind Brexit.

    Some Brexiteers pushed a vision of Britain as a low-tax, lightly regulated, free-trading nation — Singapore-on-Thames, in their catchphrase. Others wanted a stronger state role in the economy to protect workers in the left-behind hinterland from open borders and the ravages of the global economy.

    These contradictions resulted in policies that often seemed at odds with the message of Brexit. Britain, for example, experienced a record surge of net migration in the years after it left the European Union. The difference was that more of these immigrants were from South Asia and Africa, and fewer from Central and Southern Europe.

    Brexit’s backers sold the project as a magic bullet that would solve the problems caused by a globalizing economy — not unlike Mr. Trump’s claims that tariffs would be a boon to the public purse and a remedy for the inequities of global trade. In neither case, experts said, does such a panacea exist.

    “The truth is, Brexit did not correct any of the problems caused by deindustrialization,” said Tony Travers, a professor of politics at the London School of Economics. “If anything, Brexit made them worse.”

    Frustrations over the economy and immigration were among the reasons that voters swept out the Conservatives in favor of Mr. Starmer’s Labour Party last year. But his government has kept grappling with these issues, as well as with the bruised aftermath of Britain’s divorce from Europe.

    Mr. Trump’s MAGA coalition has some of the same ideological fault lines as the Brexiteers, pitting economic nationalists like Stephen K. Bannon against globalists like Elon Musk. That has led analysts to wonder if post-Trump politics in the United States will look a lot like post-Brexit politics in Britain.

    “Brexit caused profound damage to the Conservative Party,” Professor Travers said. “It has been rendered unelectable because it is riven by factions. Will the Republican Party be similarly factionalized after Trump?”

    Mark Landler is the London bureau chief of The Times, covering the United Kingdom, as well as American foreign policy in Europe, Asia and the Middle East. He has been a journalist for more than three decades.
     

    Hønndjevelen

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    Denne rapporten viser meir av argumentasjonen, i all si gru:


    Det handlar ikkje berre om det vanlege korstoget mot DEI, men å avvikla den sterkaste merkevaren USA har (ok, etter militærvesenet).
    Og uten Stanford, MIT, +++ hvor hadde tech gutta bak tRump vært?
     

    larkrla

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    Sjakktrekket fra usa får frem nye samarbeidspartnere
    1. Kina+Sør-K+Japan
    2. fra DN
    «Xi sier tollkrig ikke har noen vinnere
    Kinas president Xi Jinping er i gang med en rundreise i Sørøst-Asia. I Vietnam advarer han mot handelskrig og presenterer Kina som en trygg handelspartner.

    – Det er ingen vinnere i en handelskrig, eller i en tollkrig, skriver Xi i en kronikk som er publisert i statlige medier i Vietnam og Kina i forkant av hans besøk til flere land i Sørøst-Asia denne uken.

    I kronikken skriver han også at Kina og Vietnam kan løse uenighet rundt maritime krav i Sør-Kina-havet gjennom forhandlinger.

    – Vi bør håndtere forskjeller på en riktig måte og sikre fred og stabilitet i vår regionen.

    – Med visjon er vi fullt i stand til å løse maritime problemer på riktig måte gjennom konsultasjon og forhandlinger.

    Vietnams øverste leder To Lam stemmer i. I en pressemelding sier han at felles innsats for å løse uenigheter er en viktig stabiliserende faktor i en urolig tid.

    Xi ankom den vietnamesiske hovedstaden Hanoi tidlig mandag morgen. Turen til Sørøst-Asia er presidentens første offisielle utenlandsreise for året, ifølge det statlige kinesiske nyhetsbyrået Xinhua.

    Kina sier besøket er svært viktig for regionen. De forsøker å presentere seg selv som en rolig og trygg handelspartner og et alternativ til USA.

    Vietnam er Kinas største kunde i Sørøst-Asia. Landet handlet kinesiske varer for snaut 162 milliarder dollar i fjor.

    Det et er ventet at de to landene kommer til å signere 40 dokumenter som skal styrke samarbeidet mellom landene.

    Xi skal også besøke Malaysia og Kambodsja. Hovedformålet med turen er å styrke regionale handelsbånd og finne måter å motvirke de høye tollsatsene innført av USAs president Donald Trump, skriver Xinhua»

    godt jobba
    Det er alltid en ny på toppen av næringskjeden så når tullingene har kjørt ferdig plukkes fruktene lett
    Dette er ganske interessant, og jeg registrerer fra før en slags stemningsendring inni meg selv. Altså i retning at jeg er mindre negativ til Kina enn jeg var for noen måneder siden, og tilsvarende klart mer negativ til USA.
    Tipper det gjelder for flere enn meg, og kan i et større perspektiv være interessant i et markeds-/forbrukerperspektiv(?)
     

    Disqutabel

    Æresmedlem
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    Fra New York Times, en gavelink jeg mottok. Verdt å lese for de som ønsker å bli klokere, i stedet for å leve i sine ekkokammere. Verdt å huske : Verden er komplisert (Kahnemanns system 2) selv om følelsene dine er enkle (Kahnemanns system1).

    How Brexit, a Startling Act of Economic Self-Harm, Foreshadowed Trump’s Tariffs

    Britain’s decision to leave the European Union in 2016 was sold to voters as a magic bullet that would revitalize the country’s economy. Its impact is still reverberating.

    By Mark Landler

    Reporting from London April 13, 2025

    Britain has watched President Trump’s tariffs with a mix of shock, fascination and queasy recognition. The country, after all, embarked on a similar experiment in economic isolationism when it voted to leave the European Union in 2016. Nearly nine years after the Brexit referendum, it is still reckoning with the costs.

    The lessons of that experience are suddenly relevant again as Mr. Trump uses a similar playbook to erect walls around the United States. Critics once described Brexit as the greatest act of economic self-harm by a Western country in the post-World War II era. It may now be getting a run for its money across the Atlantic.

    Even Mr. Trump’s abrupt reversal last week of some of his tariffs, in the face of a bond-market revolt, recalled Britain, where Liz Truss, a short-lived prime minister, was forced to retreat from radical tax cuts that frightened the markets. Her misbegotten experiment was the culmination of a cycle of extreme policies set off by Britain’s decision to forsake the world’s largest trading bloc.

    “In a way, some of the worst legacies of Brexit are still ahead,” said Mark Malloch Brown, a British diplomat who served as deputy secretary general of the United Nations. Britain, he said, now faces a hard choice between rebuilding trade ties with Europe or preserving them with Mr. Trump’s America.

    “The fundamental issue remains the breach with our biggest trading partner,” Mr. Malloch Brown said, adding, “If the U.K. ends up in the arms of Europe because neither of them can work with the U.S. anymore, that’s only half a victory.”

    Mr. Trump was a full-throated champion of Brexit in 2016, drawing explicit parallels between it and the political movement he was marshaling. He initially imposed lower tariffs on Britain than the European Union, which some cast as a reward for Britain’s decision to leave.

    Brexit’s drag on the British economy is no longer much debated, though its effects have been at times hard to disentangle from subsequent shocks delivered by the coronavirus pandemic, the war in Ukraine and, now, Mr. Trump’s tariffs.

    The government’s Office of Budget Responsibility estimates that Britain’s overall trade volume is about 15 percent lower than it would have been had it remained in the European Union. Long-term productivity is 4 percent lower than it would have been because of trade barriers with Europe.

    Productivity was lagging even before Brexit, but the rupture with Europe compounded the problem by sowing uncertainty, which chilled private investment. The years between the referendum and Britain’s formal departure at the end of January 2020 were paralyzed by debate over the terms of its exit.

    By the middle of 2022, investment in Britain was 11 percent below what it would have been without Brexit, based on a model by John Springford, who used a basket of comparable economies to stand in for a non-Brexit Britain. Trade in goods was 7 percent lower and gross domestic product 5.5 percent lower, according to Mr. Springford, a fellow at the Center for European Reform, a think tank in London.

    Mr. Trump has kicked off even more volatility by imposing, redoubling and then pausing various tariffs. His actions, of course, affect dozens of countries, most drastically the United States and China. Already, there are predictions of recession and a new bout of inflation.

    Brexit and its aftermath had multiple second-order effects, both economic and political. Ms. Truss’s plan for debt-funded tax cuts, which were driven by a desire to jump-start Britain’s torpid economy, instead triggered a sell-off of British government bonds as investors recoiled from her proposals.

    A similar sell-off of American bonds began last week, with far-reaching implications for the United States. Rising bond yields put pressure on governments because it means they must pay more to borrow funds. Sell-offs are also destabilizing because they signal deeper anxiety about a country’s creditworthiness.

    In Britain’s case, fears of a credit crisis forced Ms. Truss to shelve the tax cuts, and she soon lost her job. While that calmed the markets, it left a residue of doubt among investors about Britain. Mortgage rates remained elevated for months, reflecting what one analyst unkindly labeled a “moron premium.”

    This skittishness among investors has constrained Britain’s chancellor of the Exchequer, Rachel Reeves, from taking bolder measures to recharge the economy. Prime Minister Keir Starmer last week ruled out relaxing the government’s self-imposed fiscal constraints, citing the blowback to Ms. Truss’s free-market experiment.

    “I would argue that the reason we have such a small-c conservative chancellor is due to the experience we had with Truss,” Mr. Malloch Brown said. “It is directly related to not wanting to prompt the Truss effect again.”

    Unlike Britain, the United States still has the world’s default currency in the dollar, and until last week, Treasuries remained a haven for investors. But economists predict that both will be subjected to greater pressure under Mr. Trump.

    “Confidence has been shaken, the bond vigilantes are more alert,” said Richard Portes, a professor of economics at London Business School. “People are now much more sensitive to policy inconsistency and policy irresponsibility.”

    Brexit also diminished Britain’s influence on the diplomatic stage, something it has only recently begun to recoup with Mr. Starmer’s efforts to act as a bridge between Europe and the United States.

    Mr. Trump’s retreat from America’s role as a security umbrella for NATO has driven Britain closer to Europe. But Britons still wrestle with the legacy of Brexit. A defense pact with the European Union, for instance, is being held up by France’s demand that Britain make concessions on fishing rights — an old chestnut from Brexit negotiations.

    The longest-lasting effect of Brexit, analysts say, may have been on politics. The years of bitter debate divided and radicalized the Conservative Party, which governed from 2010 to 2024 with a patchwork of policies on immigration and trade that reflected the unwieldy coalition behind Brexit.

    Some Brexiteers pushed a vision of Britain as a low-tax, lightly regulated, free-trading nation — Singapore-on-Thames, in their catchphrase. Others wanted a stronger state role in the economy to protect workers in the left-behind hinterland from open borders and the ravages of the global economy.

    These contradictions resulted in policies that often seemed at odds with the message of Brexit. Britain, for example, experienced a record surge of net migration in the years after it left the European Union. The difference was that more of these immigrants were from South Asia and Africa, and fewer from Central and Southern Europe.

    Brexit’s backers sold the project as a magic bullet that would solve the problems caused by a globalizing economy — not unlike Mr. Trump’s claims that tariffs would be a boon to the public purse and a remedy for the inequities of global trade. In neither case, experts said, does such a panacea exist.

    “The truth is, Brexit did not correct any of the problems caused by deindustrialization,” said Tony Travers, a professor of politics at the London School of Economics. “If anything, Brexit made them worse.”

    Frustrations over the economy and immigration were among the reasons that voters swept out the Conservatives in favor of Mr. Starmer’s Labour Party last year. But his government has kept grappling with these issues, as well as with the bruised aftermath of Britain’s divorce from Europe.

    Mr. Trump’s MAGA coalition has some of the same ideological fault lines as the Brexiteers, pitting economic nationalists like Stephen K. Bannon against globalists like Elon Musk. That has led analysts to wonder if post-Trump politics in the United States will look a lot like post-Brexit politics in Britain.

    “Brexit caused profound damage to the Conservative Party,” Professor Travers said. “It has been rendered unelectable because it is riven by factions. Will the Republican Party be similarly factionalized after Trump?”

    Mark Landler is the London bureau chief of The Times, covering the United Kingdom, as well as American foreign policy in Europe, Asia and the Middle East. He has been a journalist for more than three decades.
    Den korte, enkle forklaringen, er tross alt at mer og mer midler samles på færre og færre hender, disse hendene vil ha mer, og outsourcer derfor produksjon. At almuen dermed svarer med å be oligarkene øke farta på ødeleggelsene av samfunnsstrukturen, er for meg ganske merkelig, men her er det noe med kunnskapsflyten som har gått litt feil.

    Det å rydde opp i kaoset og pengeflyten mot toppen, er svært, svært utfordrende. Løsningene ligger uansett i at NOE mer produksjon må også ligge i høykostland, NOE mer av midlene fra toppen må rutes tilbake til lavere og midler lønnsklasser, likhet må økes, ikke minskes, dersom dette skal lykkes. Folk må (dessverre) vise tålmodighet, da slike prosesser tar fordømt lang tid å rydde opp i, og man sloss mot formidable krefter, selveste pengemakta.

    Uansett er IKKE Brexit, Trump eller Orbán svaret på noe som helst.
     

    oen

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    Bloomberg: Kina beordrer leveransestans fra Boeing
    Nyhetsbyrået Bloomberg skriver tirsdag at Kina har beordret kinesiske flyselskaper om å ikke ta leveranser fra den amerikanske produsenten Boeing, i det som er siste stikk i den stadig pågående handelskonflikten mellom de to stormaktene.

    Ifølge ikke-navngitte kilder skal kinesiske myndigheter også bedt flyselskapene om å ikke kjøpe deler fra amerikanske selskaper.

    Ordren kommer bare noen dager etter at Kina økte tollsatsen på amerikanske varer fra 84 til 125 prosent, og samtidig varslet at det ikke ville svare på ytterligere eskalering.

    Bloombergs kilder sier videre at Beijing vurderer avhjelpende tiltak for flyselskaper som leaser Boeing-fly.

    DN
     

    erato

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    Den korte, enkle forklaringen, er tross alt at mer og mer midler samles på færre og færre hender, disse hendene vil ha mer, og outsourcer derfor produksjon. At almuen dermed svarer med å be oligarkene øke farta på ødeleggelsene av samfunnsstrukturen, er for meg ganske merkelig, men her er det noe med kunnskapsflyten som har gått litt feil.

    Det å rydde opp i kaoset og pengeflyten mot toppen, er svært, svært utfordrende. Løsningene ligger uansett i at NOE mer produksjon må også ligge i høykostland, NOE mer av midlene fra toppen må rutes tilbake til lavere og midler lønnsklasser, likhet må økes, ikke minskes, dersom dette skal lykkes. Folk må (dessverre) vise tålmodighet, da slike prosesser tar fordømt lang tid å rydde opp i, og man sloss mot formidable krefter, selveste pengemakta.

    Uansett er IKKE Brexit, Trump eller Orbán svaret på noe som helst.
    Skal amerikanerne løse underskuddet sitt ligger svaret i høyere skatter og lavere forbruk i de høyere inntektsklasser og bedre utdanning og mer kvalifiserte jobber blant de lavere samfunnklasser. Ikke i tariffer og kulldrift. Dessverre lite kompatibelt med mye av den ideologi som gjennomsyrer dette samfunnet. Kommunisme vettu. For så vidt i samsvar med det du skriver over
     

    tjua

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    Bloomberg: Kina beordrer leveransestans fra Boeing
    ..

    DN
    Pytt pytt, en iPhone, en Boeing fly, det er da intet for en real superpower

    vel vel kineserne strammer skruen

    og flere amerikanske selskaper vil antagelig flytte deler av sin produksjon ut av usa og inn til Europa/østen.
    Det er tross alt der største delen av kundene er
    og
    når resesjonen starter i usa er økonomiene i Europa og østenfor fremdeles gående en stund til før evt resesjonen kommer.
    Og spesielt siden det nå, nærmest daglig, opprettes nye økonomiske samarbeidsforhold som kanskje også bidrar til å dra ned tidligere konflikter. Akkurat det siste kan man jo gi litt kred for til trumpern
     

    Asbjørn

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    Så langt har vel effekten av trumps tolltull vært eksakt den motsatte av hva han lovde og formodentlig forventet. Kapitalstrømmen har gått ut av USA. Det blir interessant å se de offisielle tallene. Seneste tilgjengelige er fortsatt januar.

    All time high inn i USA var så sent som i september 2024, da det ennå så ut til at Harris kunne dra i land presidentvalget.

     

    erato

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    Cory Doctorow spelling it all out giving the annual Ursula Franklin Lecture at the University of Toronto. This is unbelievable; what kind of person does this to other human beings for a living?

    "A January 2025 report from Groundwork Collective documents how increasingly nurses in the USA are hired through gig apps – "Uber for nurses” – so nurses never know from one day to the next whether they’re going to work, or how much they’ll get paid.

    There’s something high-tech going on here with those nurses’ wages. These nursing apps – a cartel of three companies, Shiftkey, Shiftmed and Carerev – can play all kinds of games with labor pricing.

    Before Shiftkey offers a nurse a shift, it purchases that worker’s credit history from a data-broker. Specifically, it pays to find out how much credit-card debt the nurse is carrying, and whether it is overdue.

    The more desperate the nurse’s financial straits are, the lower the wage on offer. Because the more desperate you are, the less you’ll accept to come and do the grunt work of caring for the sick, the elderly, and the dying."

    https://pluralistic.net/2025/02/26/ursula-franklin/# 3
     

    HasseBasse

    OVK-Generalkonsul of Jutland :-)
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    NOE mer av midlene fra toppen må rutes tilbake til lavere og midler lønnsklasser, likhet må økes, ikke minskes, dersom dette skal lykkes
    Det kaldes "Trickle Down Economy", og allt jeg husker er, at disse løftene om TDE ved å gi
    skattekutt til de rike, aldrig har virket. Rike mennesker får aldrig nokk.
    Maggie Thatcher er vel beste eksempel på dette i "nyere" tid.
     

    Asbjørn

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    Bør leses, og jeg legger den i trump-tråden med vilje.

    Den enkleste forklaringen er fortsatt at dette handler om å demolere USA som stat, samfunn, økonomi og stormakt på oppdrag fra … noen.
     

    PeriodeLytter

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    Myndighetene sier den lange listen med krav er for å bekjempe antisemittisme
    Altså levebrødet til universitetene og høyere utdanning i USA avgjøres av en liten gruppe jøder som frykter demonstrasjoner mot folkemordet av palestinere.
     

    defacto

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    Bør leses, og jeg legger den i trump-tråden med vilje.

    Den enkleste forklaringen er fortsatt at dette handler om å demolere USA som stat, samfunn, økonomi og stormakt på oppdrag fra … noen.
    “You don’t start a war against someone 20 times your size and then hope that people give you some missiles.”

    Mannen (les: guttungen) er totalt blottet for hjerneceller.
     

    Espen R

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    Så langt har vel effekten av trumps tolltull vært eksakt den motsatte av hva han lovde og formodentlig forventet. Kapitalstrømmen har gått ut av USA. Det blir interessant å se de offisielle tallene. Seneste tilgjengelige er fortsatt januar.

    All time high inn i USA var så sent som i september 2024, da det ennå så ut til at Harris kunne dra i land presidentvalget.

    Er på biltur i dag. Lyttet til Nrk podcast «Drivkraft» med historiker, forfatter og ekspert på fascisme, Jonas Bals.

    Underliggende så peker Bals på hvorfor Harris måtte tape valget og hvorfor fascismen på nytt får fotfeste i mange land.
    Vedrørende Elon Musk…Bals skjønner ikke hvorfor heil-hilsningen og Musk åpenbare støtte til ytterste høyre i europa tolkes inn i noe annet enn hva det åpenbart er. Musk må for all del ikke pakkes inn i silkepapir.

    Bals sier året 2025 vil bli skjebneåret hvor vi og politikerne våre er nødt til å velge retning. Et år som bli en merkestein i historien.
    Vi lever nå i sentrum av begivenhetene.
     
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