Politikk, religion og samfunn President Donald J. Trump - Quo vadis? (Del 2)

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    Problemet er at han ikke bryr seg. Hans agenda er ikke å gjøre livet enklere for majoriteten av de som var dumme nok til å tro på løgnene. Dette har vært åpembart ganske lenge for en del av oss.

    Dette er en rimelig presis oppsummering:

    Ønskereprise:
    Roger Eatwell defines fascism as "an ideology that strives to forge social rebirth based on a holistic-national radical Third Way",[53] while Walter Laqueur sees the core tenets of fascism as "self-evident: nationalism; social Darwinism; racialism, the need for leadership, a new aristocracy, and obedience; and the negation of the ideals of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution."[54]

    Historian Emilio Gentile has defined fascism thusly:
    [A] modern political phenomenon, revolutionary, anti-liberal, and anti-Marxist, organized in a militia party with a totalitarian conception of politics and the state, an activist and anti-theoretical ideology, with a mythical, virilistic and anti-hedonistic foundation, sacralized as a secular religion, which affirms the absolute primacy of the nation, understood as an ethnically homogeneous organic community, hierarchically organized in a corporate state, with a bellicose vocation to the politics of greatness, power, and conquest aimed at creating a new order and a new civilization.[55]
    Fascism's origins are complex and include many seemingly contradictory viewpoints, ultimately centered on a mythos of national rebirth from decadence.[65] Fascism was founded during World War I by Italian national syndicalists who drew upon both left-wing organizational tactics and right-wingpolitical views.[66] Italian fascism gravitated to the right in the early 1920s.[67]A major element of fascist ideology that has been deemed to be far right is its stated goal to promote the right of a supposedly superior people to dominate, while purging society of supposedly inferior elements.[68]
     

    erato

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    "In my life, I have watched John Kennedy talk on television about missiles in Cuba. I saw Lyndon Johnson look Richard Russell squarely in the eye and and say, "And we shall overcome." I saw Richard Nixon resign and Gerald Ford tell the Congress that our long national nightmare was over. I saw Jimmy Carter talk about malaise and Ronald Reagan talk about a shining city on a hill.

    I saw George H.W. Bush deliver the eulogy for the Soviet bloc, and Bill Clinton comfort the survivors of Timothy McVeigh's madness in Oklahoma City. I saw George W. Bush struggle to make sense of it all on September 11, 2001, and I saw Barack Obama sing 'Amazing Grace' in the wounded sanctuary of Mother Emanuel Church in Charleston, South Carolina.

    "These were the presidents of my lifetime. These were not perfect men. They were not perfect presidents, god knows. Not one of them was that. But they approached the job, and they took to the podium, with all the gravitas they could muster as appropriate to the job. They tried, at least, to reach for something in the presidency that was beyond their grasp as ordinary human beings. They were not all ennobled by the attempt, but they tried nonetheless.

    "And comes now this hopeless, vicious buffoon, and the audience of equally hopeless and vicious buffoons who laughed and cheered when he made sport of a woman whose lasting memory of the trauma she suffered is the laughter of the perpetrators. Now he comes, a man swathed in scandal, with no interest beyond what he can put in his pocket and what he can put over on a universe of suckers, and he does something like this while occupying an office that we gave him, and while endowed with a public trust that he dishonors every day he wakes up in the White House.

    "The scion of a multigenerational criminal enterprise, the parameters of which we are only now beginning to comprehend. A vessel for all the worst elements of the American condition. And a cheap, soulless bully besides. We never have had such a cheap counterfeit of a president* as currently occupies the office. We never have had a president* so completely deserving of scorn and yet so small in the office that it almost seems a waste of time and energy to summon up the requisite contempt.

    "Watch how a republic dies in the empty eyes of an empty man who feels nothing but his own imaginary greatness, and who cannot find in himself the decency simply to shut up even when it is in his best interest to do so. Presidents don't have to be heroes to be good presidents. They just have to realize that their humanity is our common humanity, and that their political commonwealth is our political commonwealth, too.

    Watch him behind the seal of the President of the United States. Isn't he a funny man? Isn't what happened to that lady hilarious? Watch the assembled morons cheer. This is the only story now."
    - Charles Pierce
     

    pedal

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    Apropos Trumps siste sprell:
    (sakset fra dagens Finansavisen)


    – Trump har fått sin første seier
    Trumps første seier kommer i Panama, hvor president José Raúl Mulino kunngjorde at landet ikke vil forlenge Belt and Road-avtalen med Kina. Tidligere ambisiøse kinesiske prosjekter i Panama, som en høyhastighetsjernbane og en ny metrolinje i Panama City, ser nå ut til å være skrinlagt.

    —————

    Ikke sikkert at Trumps ferske tollsatser er ment å bli permanente. Kanskje er det forhandlingstaktikk for å nå (andre) politiske mål.
     

    PeriodeLytter

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    For den som undrer på hva tRumpadministrasjonen egentlig holder på med. Her forklart av Chris Hedges.

     

    pedal

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    Som å innlemme Canada og Grønland i USA?
    Det synes urealistisk, men tipper feks mexikanske myndigheter kan presses til å gjøre en bedre innsats for å redusere landets narkotikaeksport og transitten av illegale innvandrere.
     

    Tweedjakke

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    Ikkje nytt for nokon her inne, men Lars Marius Garshol har ei god oppsummering av hovudpunkta i "Trump 2.0" på Bluesky. Lesverdig.

     

    JMM

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    Mexikansk politi og myndigheter generelt er i svært stor grad i lomma til kartellene grunnet frykt og bestikkelser. Hvordan Mexicos innsats da skal forbedres er det heller vanskelig å se. Gitt at landet opplever 60.000+ drap årlig så er det fristende å anta at de hadde gjort noe forlengst om de faktisk hadde kunnet.
     

    Asbjørn

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    Ikkje nytt for nokon her inne, men Lars Marius Garshol har ei god oppsummering av hovudpunkta i "Trump 2.0" på Bluesky. Lesverdig.

    Enig i Garshols oppsummering. Som sagt, en fascistisk maktovertagelse i USA er ikke en God Ting. Det var eksakt dette noen av oss advarte mot før valget, men forsøket på å overta Canada og Grønland er enda villere enn jeg trodde.

    Jeg venter i spenning på at trumpistene her inne skal forklare oss genialiteten i dette, og på hvilken måte det kommer til å gavne folk flest. Skal vi begynne med navneopprop og utvalgte sitater av hva disse skrev her inne før maktovertagelsen?
     
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    xerxes

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    Kan være klargjørende:
    «The best, most cogent and elegantly simple explanation into the inexplicably destructive negotiating processes of the president, by Prof. David Honig of Indiana University.

    Everybody I know should read this accurate and enlightening piece...

    “I’m going to get a little wonky and write about Donald Trump and negotiations. For those who don't know, I'm an adjunct professor at Indiana University - Robert H. McKinney School of Law and I teach negotiations. Okay, here goes.

    Trump, as most of us know, is the credited author of "The Art of the Deal," a book that was actually ghost written by a man named Tony Schwartz, who was given access to Trump and wrote based upon his observations. If you've read The Art of the Deal, or if you've followed Trump lately, you'll know, even if you didn't know the label, that he sees all dealmaking as what we call "distributive bargaining."

    Distributive bargaining always has a winner and a loser. It happens when there is a fixed quantity of something and two sides are fighting over how it gets distributed. Think of it as a pie and you're fighting over who gets how many pieces. In Trump's world, the bargaining was for a building, or for construction work, or subcontractors. He perceives a successful bargain as one in which there is a winner and a loser, so if he pays less than the seller wants, he wins. The more he saves the more he wins.

    The other type of bargaining is called integrative bargaining. In integrative bargaining the two sides don't have a complete conflict of interest, and it is possible to reach mutually beneficial agreements. Think of it, not a single pie to be divided by two hungry people, but as a baker and a caterer negotiating over how many pies will be baked at what prices, and the nature of their ongoing relationship after this one gig is over.

    The problem with Trump is that he sees only distributive bargaining in an international world that requires integrative bargaining. He can raise tariffs, but so can other countries. He can't demand they not respond. There is no defined end to the negotiation and there is no simple winner and loser. There are always more pies to be baked. Further, negotiations aren't binary. China's choices aren't (a) buy soybeans from US farmers, or (b) don't buy soybeans. They can also (c) buy soybeans from Russia, or Argentina, or Brazil, or Canada, etc. That completely strips the distributive bargainer of his power to win or lose, to control the negotiation.

    One of the risks of distributive bargaining is bad will. In a one-time distributive bargain, e.g. negotiating with the cabinet maker in your casino about whether you're going to pay his whole bill or demand a discount, you don't have to worry about your ongoing credibility or the next deal. If you do that to the cabinet maker, you can bet he won't agree to do the cabinets in your next casino, and you're going to have to find another cabinet maker.

    There isn't another Canada.

    So when you approach international negotiation, in a world as complex as ours, with integrated economies and multiple buyers and sellers, you simply must approach them through integrative bargaining. If you attempt distributive bargaining, success is impossible. And we see that already.

    Trump has raised tariffs on China. China responded, in addition to raising tariffs on US goods, by dropping all its soybean orders from the US and buying them from Russia. The effect is not only to cause tremendous harm to US farmers, but also to increase Russian revenue, making Russia less susceptible to sanctions and boycotts, increasing its economic and political power in the world, and reducing ours. Trump saw steel and aluminum and thought it would be an easy win, BECAUSE HE SAW ONLY STEEL AND ALUMINUM - HE SEES EVERY NEGOTIATION AS DISTRIBUTIVE. China saw it as integrative, and integrated Russia and its soybean purchase orders into a far more complex negotiation ecosystem.

    Trump has the same weakness politically. For every winner there must be a loser. And that's just not how politics works, not over the long run.

    For people who study negotiations, this is incredibly basic stuff, negotiations 101, definitions you learn before you even start talking about styles and tactics. And here's another huge problem for us.

    Trump is utterly convinced that his experience in a closely held real estate company has prepared him to run a nation, and therefore he rejects the advice of people who spent entire careers studying the nuances of international negotiations and diplomacy. But the leaders on the other side of the table have not eschewed expertise, they have embraced it. And that means they look at Trump and, given his very limited tool chest and his blindly distributive understanding of negotiation, they know exactly what he is going to do and exactly how to respond to it.

    From a professional negotiation point of view, Trump isn't even bringing checkers to a chess match. He's bringing a quarter that he insists of flipping for heads or tails, while everybody else is studying the chess board to decide whether its better to open with Najdorf or Grünfeld.”

    — David Honig»
     

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    Hvem behøver gå via kongressvedtak og lignende? Gammeldags, de er jo i lomma på trump uansett og gjør hva de får beskjed om av il duce. Mye mer effektiv saksbehandling på txitter. Behøver ikke bry kongressen med sånt. Høyesterett er også i trumps andre lomme, så bare å dundre på. Klager vil bli stoppet der, om ikke før. Og trump selv er i lomma på überpresident musk. Han har emailadressene og personalinfo til alle føderale ansatte. Tut & kjør.

    1738589196154.png
     
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    komfort

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    Enig i Garshols oppsummering. Som sagt, en fascistisk maktovertagelse i USA er ikke en God Ting. Det var eksakt dette noen av oss advarte mot før valget, men forsøket på å overta Canada og Grønland er enda villere enn jeg trodde.

    Jeg venter i spenning på at trumpistene her inne skal forklare oss genialiteten i dette, og på hvilken måte det kommer til å gavne folk flest. Skal vi begynne med navneopprop og utvalgte sitater av hva disse skrev her inne før maktovertagelsen?
    Men da skulle dere ikke ha satt "trumpistene" på Ignore!!. Det er gjentakende oppfordringer i tråden på å ignorere de som støtter Trump.

    I barnehagen lærer barna om stopp-regelen. Når de blir eldre begynner de å missbruke den ved å rope stopp når de skal pusse tennene osv..osv..
    På HFS lærer man om ignore-funksjonen. Når man ikke fikser diskusjonen lenger begynner man å missbruke funksjonen ved å ignorere meningsmotstandere.

    Jeg oppfordrer noen på den "lyse siden" til å sitere dette da de som har ignorert meg ikke vil se innlegget.
     
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